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Lecciones de Argelia y Sudán

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Lecciones de Argelia y Sudán

Fecha 11/04/2019 por Raimundo Gregoire Delaunoy


Con apenas unos días de diferencia, el argelino Abdelaziz Bouteflika y el sudanés Omar al Bashir debieron dejar el poder en sus respectivos países. Algunos dirán que eran presidentes y otros afirmarán que eran autócratas o tipos autoritarios. Sin embargo, es justo decir, en honor a la verdad, que la mano de hierro del sudanés no tiene comparación respecto a lo hecho por su par argelino, pero no se puede esconder que el régimen de Bouteflika excedió los tiempos y terminó por colmar la paciencia de los argelinos.

Raimundo Gregoire Delaunoy | 11 de abril de 2019

Bouteflika estuvo en el poder durante 20 años (1999-2019) y al Bashir lo superó en diez (1989-2019). Fueron gobernantes que, con diferentes estilos y en contextos muy particulares, pasarán a la historia por haber caído gracias a las protestas pacíficas del ciudadano común y a la intervención de las fuerzas armadas. Estas últimas, dejaron de apoyar a ambos y optaron por ponerse al lado de la gente. Claro, dirán que lo hicieron en forma estratégica, para así no perder sus regalías, es decir, buscarán un modelo democrático (o que al menos se acerque más a la democracia), pero sin perder su influencia y poder. La gran pregunta, en caso que esto sea así, es si los argelinos y sudaneses estarán dispuestos a eso. El pueblo está cansado y ya perdió el miedo.

Si bien años atrás cayeron Ben Alí (Túnez), Hosni Mubarak (Egipto); Ali Abdullah Saleh (Yemen) y Muammar al Gaddafi (Libia), lo ocurrido en Argelia y Sudán es muy simbólico. Básicamente, porque el proceso de caída de Bouteflika y al Bashir –especialmente en el caso del primero- fue menos sangriento. Mientras en Argelia no hubo muertos, en Sudán sí lo hubo (11 o 14, según distintas fuentes), pero al menos se evitó un choque frontal entre diversos grupos (civiles y estatales).

Sin embargo, ahora vendrá lo más difícil y, en este sentido, hay que tener mucha habilidad política. Hoy, las transiciones de ambos países están lideradas por los jerarcas militares, los mismos que fueron parte de los gabinetes de Abdelaziz Bouteflika y Omar al Bashir. Por ende, es natural que aparezcan dudas sobre hacia dónde irá el buque. En el caso argelino, ya se estableció que el 4 de julio habrá elecciones presidenciales y en ella no podrá participar el actual presidente interino (un cercano a Bouteflika). A su vez, la situación sudanesa es más incierta, pues recién ahora cayó el régimen de al Bashira. Por ahora, solo se sabe que habrá una transición de dos años (a cargo de los militares) y que, además, la Constitución será disueta. Junto a esto, habrá liberación de presos políticos, estado de emergencia por tres meses y toque de queda por un mes.

Al analizar lo que ocurre en Argelia y Sudán, se puede ver con claridad que la gente o, si se prefiere, el pueblo rechaza cualquier continuidad de los regímenes que acaban de caer. Esto es sumamente comprensible, pero, al mismo tiempo, muy peligroso. Es una espada de doble filo, pues ese ímpetu democrático puede ser el motor de una transición exitosa, pero también corre el riesgo de convertirse en una piedra de tope. Es muy complicado pensar en transar o ceder luego de dos o tres décadas dominado por dictadores (Al Bashir) u autócratas (Bouteflika), pero es necesario para que el paso desde una dictadura (o régimen autoritario) hacia una democracia sea lo más pacífico posible y, por ende, tenga un excelente resultado. Hemos visto lo ocurrido en Libia y esto debe ser puesto como ejemplo de cuán mal se pueden hacer las cosas. Al mismo tiempo, se puede examinar la transición chilena como un modelo interesante. No por cuestiones económicas –ya sabemos que fue la base de un sistema que tiene ahogado a la mayoría de los chilenos-, pero sí por la habilidad de haber salido de una larga dictadura, haber pasado con éxito los primeros años de frágil institucionalidad democrática y, finalmente, haber sido capaz de establecer una democracia como tal. Claro que se pueden mejorar aspectos, pero no se puede dudar que las dificultades propias del proceso fueron abordadas de buena forma.

Ahora, Areglia y Sudán deberán enfrentar la parte más compleja, que es dejar los festejos y empezar a trabajar para que todo lo acontecido genere cambios reales y no termine siendo, como en el caso de Egipto, una movida propia del Gatopardo. En este sentido, será un gran desafío para los argelinos y sudaneses, pero también para los países vecinos. En caso de necesitarse mediaciones, será fundamental que los mediadores sean estados del Magreb y del Cuerno de África, que son los espacios geopolíticos donde se desenvuelven Argelia y Sudán, respectivamente. Y si esto no fuese posible, entonces la Unión Africana debiese ser el organismo encargado de apoyar estos procesos. La injerencia extranjera, es decir, la participación de las grandes potencias (Estados Unidos, la Unión Europea, China y Rusia) y aquellas de tipo emergente (Turquía, Qatar, Arabia Saudita, Emiratos Árabes Unidos e Irán), debería ser evitada, para así no cometer los mismos errores del pasado, lo cual se ha visto –con historias, contextos y actores muy diferentes- en Siria, Afganistán, Irak, Libia y Malí. No se debe olvidar que los intereses geopolíticos son muy poderosos y que los estados más fuertes pueden asumir cambios en los liderazgos internos, pero que nunca estarán dispuestos a perder o poner en riesgos sus intereses (económicos, políticos, militares, etc.).

Por último, lo acontecido en Argelia y Sudán puede significar que lleguen nuevos aires en los procesos de integración del Magreb y del Cuerno de África, respectivamente. Mientras Argelia se ha visto involucrada en el conflicto del Sahara –apoyando al Polisario y, de esta forma, manteniendo con vida a un choque generado por el colonialismo y la Guerra Fría-, Sudán ha sido un factor de división en el siempre denso y complejo tejido diplomático del Cuerno de África. Es así que un gobierno argelino dispuesto a dialogar con Marruecos y establecer una política de dos velocidades (una dedicada al asunto del Sahara y otra que promueve la integración regional) aportaría mucho para el sueño de integración magrebí. En paralelo, los cambios generados por los nuevos tiempos de Abiy Ahmed, primer ministro de Etiopía, han generado expectación en el Cuerno de África, especialmente porque, al menos en el nivel diplomático, se ha avanzado en el camino de la solución de conflictos. Por ejemplo, la normalización de los nexos entre Etiopía y Eritrea y los avances (pequeños, medianos o grandes) en disputas como aquellas entre Egipto, Sudán y Etiopía (represa en el Nilo), Kenya y Somalia (límites marítimos), Djibouti y Eritrea (conflicto fronterizo) y Somalía y Somaliland (este último, una autoproclamada república cuyo territorio es parte de Somalía).

Además de esto, existen diversos proyectos de integración en infraestructura, lo cual tiene que ir acompañado de una base sólida de entendimiento entre los países de la región. Es así que en el Magreb se está avanzando en el proyecto de un tren magrebí –por ahora incluiría a Marruecos, Argelia y Túnez- y hace tiempo que se está llevando a cabo la carretera transahariana, mientras que, en el Cuerno de África, hace poco fue inaugurada la línea de ferrocarril que une a Etiopía con Djibouti, pero existen otras iniciativas ferroviarias como las líneas Etiopía-Eritrea, Etiopía-Kenya y Kenya-Sudán del Sur. Por si fuese poco, estos proyectos ferroviarios involucran a Rwanda, República Democrática del Congo, Tanzania, Burundi y Uganda, lo cual generaría una gran conectividad terrestre en África Oriental. ¿Algo más? Claro, porque existe el deseo de construir el “Corredor Lamu” –que incluiría, entre otras cosas, carreteras, puertos, líneas de tren y un oleoducto-, el cual uniría a Kenya, Sudán del Sur, Etiopía y Uganda.

En resumen, el fin de los regímenes de Abdelaziz Bouteflika y Omar al Bashir dejan una serie de lecciones y desafíos. Dentro de las primeras, la importancia de realizar manifestaciones pacíficas (y persistentes), la necesidad de actuar en forma rápida cuando una situación amenaza con transformarse en un choque violento, aprender a escuchar a la gente, comprender que los tiempos actuales necesitan soluciones democráticas y no dictatoriales y asumir que ningún tipo de gobierno puede mantenerse en el tiempo si no toma medidas que favorezcan a la mayoría y no a las élites. Entre los segundos, cómo construir nuevas institucionalidades democráticas, entender que las democracias africanas o asiáticas no tienen por qué ser iguales a las de “Occidente”, implicar a todos los segmentos políticos y étnicos en los procesos de democratización y fomentar la creación de un nuevo sistema interno que permita establecer, en el largo plazo, buenas relaciones con los vecinos. Todo lo anterior, comprendiendo que se vive en un mundo globalizado y en el cual los estados (o estados-nación) van perdiendo fuerza ( y a veces soberanía) respecto de los bloques de integración (regional, continental o mundial).

En este contexto, es de esperar que los procesos de Argelia y Sudán terminen bien. Aquello sería un bálsamo en zonas que, en las últimas décadas, han vivido procesos complejos y, normalmente, acompañados de violencia, fragmentación e inestabilidad. Mientras África no solucione sus problemas, la dependencia de los capitales extranjeros seguirá siendo una realidad y, entonces, la utilización de sus recursos naturales (y las riquezas generadas por éstos) permanecerá bajo la voluntad de las potencias o, si se prefiere, de las grandes empresas que los exploran y explotan.

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African countries processes to follow in 2018

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African countries processes to follow in 2018

Fecha 28/12/2017 por Raimundo Gregoire Delaunoy

With the arrival of a new year, it is important to analyze some important topics that will fill the African agenda of international and specifically, interafrican, issues during the current year. So, this article will present some countries that should be tracked in 2018 as they will possibly face important changes and strong (and sometimes hard) sociopolitical processes.

Raimundo Gregoire Delaunoy | December 28th, 2017

(Fotografía: Agencias)

Only by looking the electoral calendar of Africa for 2018 it seems that it will be an important year. There will be nine presidential elections and 15 legislative ones, which will be complemented with others like local elections, referendums or municipal processes. Even more, Cameroon, Egypt, Democratic Republic of Congo, Mali, Madagascar, Mauritius, Sierra Leona, South Sudan and Zimbabwe will choose a new President. So, just talking about elections it will be a year full of expectations.

At the same time, there are key events that are developing in Africa and that, obviously, will be part of 2018’s agenda por this continent. For example, the dispute of the Nile, the tasks of the new chief of the MINURSO, the immigration issues in Northern Africa but also in Eastern and Central Africa, the transformation of the African Union, advances in the African integration, the rise of terrorism, the drug traffic routes and the fight against hunger, among others. Different and tough challenges for a continent that has improved in a lot of aspects but that still confronts eternal social conflicts and, surely, a lack of a deeper integration as a whole. As Julius Nyerere declared, the fragmentation of Africa still causes damage to the path that will give Africans better life conditions.

In the following paragraphs, the context of different countries will be analyzed, so that the study of such a huge continent can be realized in a less dense way.

Egypt

Abdelfatah Al Sisi’s announcement of running for the presidential election – which should be held on Mars 26th– confirmed what all Egyptians knew, it is, he will not hold out­ the power and he will continue with his ambitions. And if there was any doubt in relation to his rivals, now everything is clear, as all of the other candidates have ended their presidential dream and al Sisi’s victory is only a matter of time.

It is true that he saved the country from the Muslim Brotherhood -a group that tried to be seen as a moderate islamist political party but that finally tried to establish changes that would have conducted Egyptian society into a more conservative one- but Egypt still faces the problem of discrimination against women, Christian minorities (nearly 10% of the country’s population) and secular sectors of the society.­ Also, the threat of terrorism is very active in the Egyptian territory and specially in the Sinai. The attacks of last months are a demonstration of this and reflect the fragile security context of the country. The situation worsens if the analysis deepens in topics like the economic reality of Egypt, the corruption and the strong-hand leadership of al Sisi, who never hesitates before sending to prison political rivals, islamists, ONGs representatives and anyone who opposes to him.

Even if the lack of civilian liberties has been a problem through decades, there was a hope that after Hosni Mubarak’s fall a new paradigm could be established, specially in freedom to express, religious liberty and, maybe the most important, the end of that deep and strong relation between politics and military in the government or power. Sadly, none of those situations have changed and, even worse, Egypt faces 2018 with lot of problems and big challenges in those issues. Then, it will be a key moment for the future of the country. The reforms are waiting and al Sisi has the opportunity to rectify the path and give, once again, hope to the Egyptians.

Libya

If there is a country that faces a crucial year for its social, political and economic re-order, it is Libya. Since the fall of Muammar al Gaddafi (in 2011), the former stable country has become into a semi-failed state. Two governments and two Parliaments, slavery, immigration crisis, difficulties for the oil production and social discontent. Also, the strong menace of Al Qaida of the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and the Islamic State, among other terrorist groups. So, the Libyan scenario doesn’t seem to be very well during 2018. Nevertheless, there are some challenges for the Maghrebian country.

During the last months was revealed the existence of numerous human-trafficking networks and, even worse, the practice of slavery in the Libyan territory. The dramatic issue generated summits, meetings and political compromises in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Maghreb, the European Union and the Organization of the United Nations (ONU), among others. However, this conflict should be solved as possible and, therefore, has to be one of the priorities for the Libyan authorities.

The problem is that in 2018 the expectations turn around two sociopolitical key facts, it is, the reconciliation process that brings with itself a new Constitution for the country and the correct realization of the presidential and legislative elections. Thus, the first step is to work for the re-construction of the state infrastructure, as with this goal being achieved all the further projects should be faced with more strength and order. This is why the oil situation is other of the key topics for Libya in 2018. Since 2017, the numbers of oil production and exportation have been showing a positive trend, so one of the ambitions should be the consolidation of this process. With oil, new Constitution, national reconciliations and a stronger and better state apparatus, the other challenges –as fight against immigration (and slavery), terrorism, separatism and ethnic conflicts (tebou and amazigh claims) should be developed in a better context, it is, one with high levels of chaos and violence but at least with the hope given by a newly created process of rebirth of the Libyan state and society.

South Sudan

The peace talks have failed and the future of the country will be shaped, once again, by violence, poverty and other conflicts associated to the main problem, that is, hunger, displacement and immigration. To avoid this, or at least soften the consequences, the efforts of the international community (and the government, of course) should be directed to the cessation of hostilities. In this scenario, the AU5 (an African Union commission of five countries) will have the great opportunity to recover the path and return the trust to an African solution as external powers like the European Union have not been able to establish as a trustful partner in this process.

The Nile conflict

Recently, Sudan, Egypt and Ethiopia met in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Abeba, to solve the dispute about the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), which has been involving these three countries and other ones, as Eritrea, in the conflict. While the image of seeing the governments of the three named states trying to find a final agreement is a positive step, the fact that Sudanese troops were deployed in the Eritrean border makes it impossible to assure that the problem will be ended in a peaceful way. Even more, the “Nile Conflict” involves countries that normally have faced diplomatic and/or military confrontations. That is the case, for example, of the ties between Sudan and Egypt, Ethiopia and Eritrea, Sudan and Eritrea and Ethiopia and Egypt. So, it is clear that a little spark could start a big fire and, therefore, the “Nile Conflict” should be solved as soon as possible.

Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Mali and Zimbabwe: recovery through presidential elections

For different reasons, this countries have been fighting for establishing a re-order of its social, political and economic situation. In Cameroon, the Anglophone region –which waves the flag of separatism- continues to give strong headaches to the government and riots that still generate disorder and, the worst, deaths. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, the challenge of eradicating the ‘Kabila Clan’ from the control of the country has been a very tough issue. So, the main goal in this giant state should be the organization and development of transparent and democratic elections. In Mali, another African semi-failed state, the division is still a great obstacle in the process of re-order of a country that has been facing conflicts –separatism of the Azawad region, rise of terrorism groups that formerly were not active in the Malian territory, consolidation of the governments power and drug and human trafficking- since 2012. Finally, in Zimbabwe, the end or Robert Mugabe’s era was a very good step but the next challenges seem to be even more difficult and heavy. The construction of a new state –as Mugabe was the only leader in the independent Zimbabwe-, which implies the modernization of the political structure and a huge change in the Zimbabwean social map is just the beginning of a long process.

So, these countries will need to do well in the presidential elections that will be held during 2018. Not only for having a president but, the most important, to return the hope of a better future for their population. Wars, divisions and corruption should be left aside and the African community should be able to help in this process. The same for the United Nations.

The Horn of Africa and the challenge of facing intern and extern sources of conflicts

Al Shabaab’s presence in Somalia is just enough to be worried about this region but if we add the recent political (and social) convulsions in Kenya –due to the still contested presidential election’s results- the outlook gets darker. Unfortunately, the Yemen conflict and the Arab-Iran-Turkey crisis have splitted into the Horn of Africa and, specially, into Somalia, a country that needs the help of states like United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey. About this latter context, the situation seems to be very cloudy, as the net of political supports has been changing in the last months and still is in motion.

Therefore, 2018 should be an opportunity to demonstrate that Somalia and Kenya –but also Ethiopia, which has given some tiny hints of a depressurization of the social and political situation- can reach balanced and strategic diplomacy objectives, in order that the Horn of Africa can avoid more tension in the region and, in consequence, to prevent a high risk of conflict. The decision that will be made in relation to Al Shabaab, ties with external powers, the Nile issue and political reconciliation will be key elements.

The Maghrebian context

Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania can be categorized as countries that have maintained the status quo and, also, the equilibrium in their social and political aspects. Surely, with risks –among others, Bouteflika’s health and Kabilia’s movement in Algeria; the social protests in the Rif and the raise of the life’s cost in Morocco; and the authoritarian rule of Abdelaziz in Mauritania- but with some stability. Different is the situation of Libya (already analyzed) and Tunisia. This latter has confronted economic crisis, political disfunction and protests of Tunisians that year after year lose hope of the country’s recovery.

Nevertheless, there is a silent topic that should be observed with a lot of care during 2018. It is the relation between Morocco and the Polisario and Algeria, which should change as in 2017 two important facts took place. The first, and most important, the official return of Morocco into de African Union. The second, the appointment of the Canadian Colin Stewart  and the German Horst Kohler as the new head of the MINURSO and as the new General Secretary Personal Envoy for Western Sahara, respectively.

With these movements and the permanent hostilities witnessed along 2018, the Sahara conflict should not be forgotten. Even if the risk of a military conflict is nearly nonexistent, the political consequences of this issue could threaten, once again, the political cohesion of the Maghreb and regional blocks of integration, including the African Union.

Countries looking for the democratization of their state and society

For different reasons, Equatorial-Guinea, Central African Republic, Angola, South Africa and Madagascar have the obligation of advancing towards democracy and/or social reconstruction. In Equatorial Guinea, Teodoro Obiang Nguema has been in power for 38 years and is the oldest African governor. In December, he faced another coup attempt and, as all the previous ones, he survived. However, the opposition will not stop their fight, even if the use of military abuses (detentions and repression) is one of the most recurrent strategies of the current government in order to confront the political and social rivals.

Central African Republic is still facing one of the most difficult and long peace processes in Africa, so in 2018 the goal is to achieve more objectives and to continue fostering arrangements, reconciliation and social peace. Concerning, Angola, South Africa and Madagascar, they will have new challenges. In Angola, there is a new (and younger) president, while in South Africa the corruption scandals are a big threat to Zuma’s era. Finally, Marc Ravalomanana, ousted and exiled president of the country, will try to return to power after he suffered a coup d’etat in 2009. He will do that amid political, economic and social crisis, so the scenario does not seem to be very calm in 2018.

Nigeria, the big leader in trouble

Oil? Not really. Sure it will be one of the most important topics, which explains many of economic,political or social processes that take place in Nigeria, but during 2018 the agenda should keep a special place for the territory conflicts. The first of them is one already known and is the current presence of Boko Haram in different regions of the country and, mainly, in the northeast part of the territory. Nevertheless, the main issue will be the territorial disputes between farmers (of Central region of Nigeria) and nomadic herdsmen (coming from the North), a conflict that should worsen due to the difficulties to find the necessary amount of water for agricultural activities and works. The clashes have already erupted and only in 2016 they took the life of nearly 2.500 people, a number that should be analyzed with special attention in a country that has within its margins more than 100 ethnical groups and also faces the threat of separatists from Biafra and terrorists of Boko Haram.

Liberia, with the hope of better times

With George Weah recently sworned as the new President of the country, Liberia starts a new political cycle, in which a former football star will be in charge of changing the country’s image but, the most important, of strengthening the sociopolitical transition that has been taking place in the westerner African state. The challenge will be very big, the same as the hopes and expectations of seeing a well carried transition in this state used, unfortunately, to see riots, political division and lack of democracy.

Final comments

Apart from the conflicts that were described in the previous paragraphs, it should be said that Africa, as a continent, will be facing problematic trends or contexts such terrorism, integration difficulties, fight against corruption, fragile situation of some states, economic growth, gender equality, relations with the European Union and United States of America and the advance of Turkey, China, Qatar, Saudia Arabia, Iran and United Arab Emirates.

These big challenges will be an opportunity for Africa, a continent that should demonstrate to itself and to the world –particularly, to the major powers- that African countries and leaders have the capacity and the will to affront this situations. In this context, the reform of the African Union, specially those about the origin of the funds, should have an important place and weight in the African agenda of 2018.

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horn

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Indicadores sociales del Cuerno de África

Fecha 15/06/2017 por Raimundo Gregoire Delaunoy

Conocida por ser una de las regiones del mundo con más conflictos, es una de las zonas más relevantes dada su ubicación geográfica. Es así que se convierte en un paso comercial que une Asia con Europa, pero también es el lugar de enfrentamientos geopolíticos entre diversos actores regionales y mundiales.

Más allá de lo anterior, es necesario conocer, a grandes rasgos, cuáles son los principales datos de esta región, la cual tiene a países tan diferentes como Djibouti, Eritrea, Etiopía, Kenya, Sudán y Sudán del Sur. Además, se deben sumar Puntland y Somaliland, entidades territoriales pertenecientes a Somalía, pero que funcionan como territorios autónomos.

Producto Interno Bruto
(Fuente: FMI)

Producto Interno Bruto | Variación porcentual
(Fuente: FMI)

Otros indicadores socioeconómicos
(FMI)

Indicadores de diversa índole

GSIGlobal Slavery Index 2018
FW Freedom in the World 2019
FoPFreedom of Press 2019 (RSF)
GGRGlobal Gender Gap Report 2018
DIDemocracy Index The Economist 2018
CRIGlobal Climate Risk Index 2019
GPIGlobal Peace Index 2018
CPICorruption Perceptions Index 2018 – Transparency International
GTIGlobal Terrorism Index 2018
GRRGlobal Risk Report 2019 – World Economic Forum
WRIWorld Risk Index 2018
GCIGlobal Competitiveness Index 2018 – World Economic Forum
FSIFragile States Index 2018
IDHÍndice de Desarrollo Humano
PIBpcProducto Interno Bruto per cápita
DESDesempleo
INFInflación
ALFAlfabetismo
ESPVEsperanza de vida
POB Población

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